Saturday, December 1, 2007

Potential Namibian leaders need to start debating

Internationally, amongst talks from France’s President Sarkozy about a possible “economic war”, there are those that speculate that the United States would turn to protectionism because of a continued economic downward spiral and a devalued currency that has sparked a debate when a Chinese government official suggested dealing more in the euro then the US dollar. This in itself will create a global economic crisis, which will be felt as far as Namibia. How will this affect trade relations with Africa? What possible benefits are to be found in a protectionist US? These are but a fraction of the long-term planning that needs to be debated by potential leaders about Namibia’s role in global politics. Locally, questions I would want potential leaders to discuss and shed some light on are their long-term policy towards development aid, their strategies towards fighting poverty, reducing inequality, ensuring an international standard for education, improving the health sector, and reducing unemployment.

Merely verbalising the ills of society is no longer good enough. We know what the ills are, thanks to the THIRD National Development Plan. We seem not to know how to implement the National Development Plan. Voting for SWAPO just because it liberated you from oppression, or voting for COD or the RDP just because it is an alternative to SWAPO, is no longer good enough. We know they each have strategies, at least on paper, to bring about social change. We seem not to know how they differ in their intent to implement and institute social change. Thus, if Namibia needs to transform itself into a progressive society where a smaller percentage of citizens are the underdogs, it will not only require long-term plans like the National Development Plan nor Vision 2030, but concrete identification of the bottlenecks of development, the poverty traps, the best solutions to overcome the traps and most importantly implementing the solutions.

Actions, after all, speak louder than words.

Wednesday, November 14, 2007

Rally for Democracy and Progress: old wine in new bottle?

The newly formed Namibian political party, Rally for Democracy and Progress (RDP), might be a faint hint of excitement for politics in Namibia. The ‘old stalwarts’ that is at the helm of the RDP, is comparable to the formation of Kenya’s National Rainbow Coalition, which won the Kenyan election in December 2002 with 61%, and saw an ‘old stalwart’, Mwai Kibaki, become President. Back then in 2002, Kenyans who were frustrated with the dominant liberation party leadership of the Kenya African National Union (KANU) - that saw Presidents Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel Arab Moi run the country in absolute chaos for 38 years- had high hopes for the newly formed political party. However, there were also those who were concerned, because Kibaki was one of the heavy guns of KANU, serving as Member of Parliament since Kenya’s Independence in 1964, which include several prominent ministerial profiles, including the Vice Presidency under Moi. In other words, Kibaki was part of the leadership that saw many ordinary Kenyans slip into adverse poverty since their Independence. He fell out of favour with Moi, amidst rumours of power plays, and eventually left KANU to form his own party in 1991. Did Kibaki fall out of favour because of a clash over disagreements of failed policies or unanswered political ambition? His current reign, which is dominated by allegations of corruption and continuing lack of real progress, provides an easy answer to that question.

Why the analogy? For one, Jesaya Nyamu and Hidipo Hamutenya’s protest walk out from SWAPO strike me as comparable to Kibaki’s departure from KANU. In the case of Nyamu, I refer to his notes as a protest walk out. Here, I am not analysing the controversy of how his notes were found and eventually led to his expulsion from SWAPO, but the fact that his dispute with SWAPO had compelled him to think of strategies to break off. In addition, if the RDP is determined to take on SWAPO in the upcoming election, then we can safely assume that the formation of this new party has been in the pipeline for some time, and that Hamutenya’s resignation from SWAPO is well timed. Thus, I hypothesize that Hamutenya has been involved in the structural design and organisation of the RDP. In this regard, I am left wondering if the RDP has been formed as a result of disagreements over failed policies, thus a principled decision, or merely as a result of unanswered political ambition.

In a press conference last week to announce his resignation from SWAPO, Hamutenya said that “the people are crying out for delivery of the promises made at Independence and upon which we [SWAPO] were elected”. The reference of “we” is not just indicative of his unconscious link to SWAPO, but also serves as a solid reminder that the same SWAPO mindset will be running the RDP. Furthermore, their emphasis on the ills of Namibian society is similar to that of SWAPO: “We all know that the dominant features in Namibia’s landscape today is poverty, inequality, the sorry state of education, declining health services and unemployment”; an ill that SWAPO – with both Hamutenya and Nyamu as part of the top SWAPO leadership until recently- has failed to deliver to the masses. It is also interesting to note, that no mention was made to corruption, perhaps one of the biggest ills in Namibian society today. Additionally, Hamutenya’s lack of outspokenness upon his return to parliament in 2005 does not ease conspiracy theories and the main question that everybody is asking: Is the RDP only a protest party against the dominant “liberation” party, similar to that of Kibaki’s National Rainbow Coalition, or does it have factual ideological and policy differences?

Second, with the same old stalwarts still wanting to run Namibian politics, I am taken aback with the lack of young vibrant blood in Namibian politics and African politics in general. The old stalwarts of KANU, which in my opinion includes Kibaki, is still running Kenya since their Independence, that is, 43 years later! Am I wrong for presupposing that perhaps there is a possible correlation between the old stalwarts and the increasing despair and corruption cases in Kenya? In the TED Theme Talk on Rethinking Poverty, author of Africa Unchained and well-renowned economist, George Ayittey, call this vibrant young blood, the “cheetah generation”, a “new breed of Africans” that he equates with a “no nonsense” attitude towards corruption and that grasps the implications of accountability and democracy. This breed is also highly educated with technological and entrepreneurial ability, often global citizens and feels decidedly comfortable in the geopolitical and economic climate; consequently they understand how to situate themselves within the global social, economic and political game. Only, most have left Africa as part of the brain drain that has become an African pest. Ayittey calls the old stalwarts the “ruling elite” of African politics and term them as the “hippo generation”, a generation that is “stuck in their intellectual patch, complaining about colonialism and imperialism”; a generation that tries to hold on to political power as long as possible. To him, these leaders often fail to reform the economies because they “benefit from the rotten status quo”. Furthermore, Ayittey argues that in today’s global political sphere, Africa’s “salvation rests on the back of these cheetahs” because their ‘yes, we have been done wrong, but how do we get out of this mess’ attitudes, provide the necessary drive to change the current status quo.

Although Namibia is still immature, best classified as an infant, a similar trend exists, where the old stalwarts, found in COD, DTA, SWAPO, UDF, and now RDP, are likely to continue to dominate the political sphere. With the exception of a few of the relatively ‘young’ and vibrant stalwarts (Rebecca Ndjoze- Ojo, Abraham Iyambo, Tjekero Tweya and McHenry Venaani comes to mind), most of the old stalwarts continues with the rhetoric that is symptomatic of cold war politics. It is a politics that is stuck in the past, and fails to attract the cheetah generation. For instance, with the fiasco of the request to the ICC to investigate Sam Nujoma, Jerry Ekandjo threatened to take lands away from whites, as tit-for-tat.

As a group breaks away to establish their own political party, other questions to ask are: Will it attract a young vibrant blood with new interpretations of social, economic and political pressures? Will this result in new ideas to rid Namibia of its ills? Sadly, I think not. The politics is of such that it alienates Namibia’s cheetah generation. Being educated, you are trained to be critical, to question in order to find answers, but in Namibian politics that freedom to critique the status quo is not independent of estrangement. Being part of the old stalwarts, the RDP political rhetoric is thus likely not to be dissimilar than that of either SWAPO at best or the COD at worse. That, and the infightings such as the recent one that infiltrated the COD, which again was not about ideological differences, but power, is what leaves the cheetah generation (both black and white) apolitical and indifferent.

Namibia’s current cheetah generation is made up of a small percentage of Namibians that appears at best to be apolitical and at worse only interested in wealth. For the latter, politics become a by-product; seen only as useful if it can provide a black economic empowerment deal. But in reality, a large group of this cheetah generation in Namibia will only be highly visible in another decade or two. They are the current group in college, the generation that has the opportunity to attend tertiary education, especially the children of the “elite” that has the ability to do so outside of Namibia. It is a generation, which by glimpsing at their list of friends on Facebook is global, technology savvy, career driven and all about reconciliation. But, this is also the generation that will partake in a mass exodus, if Namibia happens to follow the same path as so many other decolonised countries such as Kenya, Ghana, Zimbabwe, among many others. Those that will be left behind would most likely be made up of the political connected, those with solid businesses and work, stable high income jobs, and the poor. In this regard, it becomes imperative for the political sphere to become open to new ideas, thus critiquing, and creating a stimulating environment for the current cheetahs to engage in politics. It also becomes essential for political parties to strategically think about structural reorganisation in order to introduce politics to this upcoming cheetah generation. This will essentially mean moving away from surrounding one with yes-men and yes-women, which provide an illusion of progress, to people that can actively debate about pertinent issues.

Monday, September 3, 2007

Mind, body and soul

The reality of life is that you have to work to earn your bread and butter or waste away. In this modern society of us, earning our daily bread is costing us more then it used to in the past. More people are no longer dealing with physical work and the mental and emotional exertion of our work is surely draining us, especially for the executives and professionals. Diseases have changed to what my grandmother would term “the white man’s diseases”. Back in the days, people fell sick from diseases such as tuberculosis, polio, small pox, among many others. In today’s corporate culture, people fall sick from work related stress and burnout diseases, such depression, high blood pressure, arthritis, irritable bowel syndrome, colon cancer, to name but a few. When illness enters, you go to a conventional doctor and get prescribed “happy pills” for depression, or an energy booster. Other conventional doctors fail to diagnose your illness and one can easily spend the following months meeting one specialist after the other to be told you have lung rheumatoid then perhaps cancer.

Some professions are notorious for these diseases. A few that sprung to mind are teachers, nurses and even doctors. Several professionals thrive in the pressure cooker, but for most of us, the toll is taken out in our health and our personal lives- the very things that should keep us going and that should rejuvenate us to restart the following day.

As a researcher trying to be an artist and multimedia designer, I tend to go overboard with work. To some it is a surprise especially since I work for Government. Working hours could be easily from 7am to 11pm. At times I would be so busy and forget to eat or else have a bite while on the run. Before realizing, I had constant bloatedness, headaches, back pain and severe acne. On top of it all, I was sensitive to wheat and had no clue. Doctors gave energy boosters and Roaccutane for acne but symptoms would return after the prescriptions ran out. While living and studying in the UK, a friend suggested Chinese medicine, which have become a popular alternative medicine in the UK and have patients as notorious as the Prince of Wales. Pure frustration thus turned me to Chinese medicine that looked and tasted malicious. Though I did not want to think about it then, I can now admit that that Chinese tea concoction included some animal dung. But hey, I was desperate. When that failed, I decided to put my research skills to work, got on the internet and decided to find some explanation for my constant bloatedness, fatigue and acne.

My research led me to alternative medicine to combating stress and burnout. It led me to a colon hydro-therapist, which is a specialist in the interconnectedness of mind (emotions and thoughts), body and soul. When one is in a poor state, the other will be affected. In one visit, I was taught more about my health than the tens of doctors I visited. My wheat insensitivity was diagnosed by giving a simple but full description on the type of foods I eat in general. Turns out that my wheat threshold level were being surpass, which led to the bloatedness, which in turn led to the acne, which in turn led to the fatigue and headaches. In other words, I was busy poisoning myself from the inside. A difference could be felt and seen within one week of cutting out wheat and from ‘washing’ the colon from all toxins.

On advice from my hydro-therapist, which if I may add is a 2500 million years ancient profession, I took on meditation as a way of relieving stress. Meditation is a way of becoming more alive and aware of our moment-to-moment experience and it its effects, from simple relaxation to spiritual insight, follow from this. In the short term, I found an antidote to stress and became calmer and more self-possessed. Others tried yoga, which means “to unite” or “to come together”. This practice teaches an understanding of the intimate connection between our body, mind, energy and breath that promotes a general sense of well being and relaxed vitality.

The time in the UK taught me more about myself because I learned how to tune into my mind and body. It taught me that new is not always better and that a healthy body needs healthy thoughts. Stress has many detrimental effects on health. Had I not had an early diagnose, I would have turn 40 and felt like an 80 year old. A favorite aunt of mine has been informed she suffers from various illnesses, which started off as stress. I now believe that had she learned to deal with her stress in a proper way, she would not be the sick-ling she is today.

Many do not realize how important a healthy diet and state of mind is to the body. You might not feel all the effects now, but might at a time you really should slow down and enjoy life.

So my advice to all those young dynamic professionals in a demanding environment is to try and set aside 5 to 10 minutes each day to sit still and do nothing and see the difference it makes to your mind. Watch what you eat and experience the rejuvenated energy levels. Lastly, observes how that brings contentment in your life.

Tuesday, August 7, 2007

Jimmy Carter’s “infatuation with the holy land”

In his recent book Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid, former US President, Jimmy Carter, comes across as a deeply religious, and God fearing man. To quote Albert Einstein’s “as a deeply religious non-believer”, I could not help taking Carter’s historical chronology on the Middle East with a bit of salt. The religious undertone of the historical chronology is unmistakable. Says Carter:

“Developments in the Middle East can be best understood if the history of the region is reviewed. [Two essential timelines include]:

ca. 1900 B.C. Abraham journeys from Ur to Canaan
.
.
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ca. 4 B.C. Jesus is born. He is crucified thirty- two years later after a ministry of three years. Christian churches are established throughout the eastern Roman empire.”

As illustrated above, the historical chronology of the Middle East is also indicative of Carter’s strong believe in the bible as an accurate account of life in the Middle East during the middle ages. That is despite the lack of empirical evidence of the existence of God, and his “holy son, Jesus”. Furthermore, Carter seems to have an obvious admiration for the “holy land” and, according to the bible, ‘God’s chosen people’. Says Carter: “I was infatuated with the holy land [since the beginning of my bible studies]” (p. 22) or as he described his early morning tours of the holy land “I wanted to see the city come to life…to catch a flavor of how it might have been two thousand years earlier when Jesus strolled down these same streets” (p. 24). It is thus, not surprising that Carter’s first recommendation to lasting peace in the region is “the security of Israel must be guaranteed” (p. 207) at all times. As a matter of fact, in the first two chapters, one already has a feeling on the outcome of the recommendations. His open belief in God and the bible consequently indicates certain biasness towards Israel.

Although Carter also criticizes the Israeli government for not respecting international law- in particular Israel’s refusal to withdraw to the 1967 border as specified by UN Resolution 242-, and the building of the proposed segregation wall route, which also acts as a border that surrounds Palestinians, he seems to agree that Israel has a right, to him, a biblical right, to occupy Palestine.

Despite all of this, Carter’s book is a must read if you want to get an excellent behind-the-scene description of Middle Eastern politics and a historical overview of the region between World War I and the recent Israel/ Lebanon war that took place in 2006. The account on the creation of the countries in the Middle East, the key players, the origins of the middle eastern monarch and pretty much how Britain, the US and France fucked up the whole region (even though these are just mentioned in passing) is indeed fascinating.

Monday, August 6, 2007

‘Africa’s Silent Tsunami’

“If you want gold, look in na mountain;
If you want love, go look in na home;
If you want heaven, go get a bible;
But if you ye want debt relief, go pray for Tsunami”.

With these words, Obi Amako, a freelance poet and cartoon artist from Nairobi, Kenya, could not have summed up how relentless the barriers are to achieving the eight Millennium Development Goals, which were set out and agreed to by World Leaders in 2000 at the General Assembly of the United Nations. According to researchers Africa, the only continent where poverty levels exacerbated tremendously, is faced with many challenges to achieve the MDGs by the target year of 2015. Was the agreed target year too optimistic, especially for the developing world? If so, how do we ensure that we are not left behind?

As it is, the world is ignoring the realities in African countries. We have been and continue to be subjected to death rates far greater than those who perished during the Asian Tsunami through poverty, diseases, civil unrest, to name but a few. According to figures from the World Bank, approximately 800 million Africans go to bed hungry, resulting in the malnutrition of children that lead to higher rate of infant mortalities. About seventy percent of Africans in rural areas are starving and live in marginalized areas with low agricultural growth potential. In the developing world, such as most countries in Africa, food insecurity and environmental degradation are inherently linked, thus sustainable land practices becomes less of a priority. Sub-Saharan Africa is also the only Region where poverty has double within the last two decades. In 1981, figures showed that 164 million people lived in extreme poverty and by 2002, this figure doubled to 314 million. In addition, the demand for food in the Africa is predicted to double within the next 20 years but the limitations include decrease of water, arable land, increased policy conflicts, decrease labour and increasing pollution levels. Diseases, such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis claim thousands of African lives, mostly in the Sub-Saharan Africans, at an unprecedented scale every minute of the day. In some countries such as Angola, people are dying of curable diseases. It is thus no wonder that life expectancy has gone down. In Namibia if you have turned 46, then you should count yourselves lucky.

The eight MDGs, which are associated with time-bound targets of 2015, are to:
1. Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger
2. Achieve universal primary education
3. Promote gender equality and empower women
4. Reduce child mortality
5. Improve maternal health
6. Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases
7. Ensure environmental sustainability
8. Develop a global partnership for development.

If a drastic approach and change in attitudes do not occur now, then we might as well forget about achieving these MDG goals.

In Namibia where about sixty percent is direct natural resource dependent, our population is extremely vulnerable to the silent tsunami in terms of combating HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, eradicating poverty and achieving environmental sustainability.

How can we reach the targets
1. Global partnership, especially between the developed and the developing world need to be improved, especially in terms of financial resources. Developed countries are not meeting the United Nations (UN) target of 0.7 percent of gross national product (GNP) as Official Development Assistance (ODA), which was set by the UN General Assembly in 1970. ODA in Namibia have been on the decrease since 1995 and have more than halved since independence in 1990.
2. Investment- without conditions- in infrastructure development, health and education need to be stepped up to the level of Europe’s reconstruction after World War II. The United States gave 2.0 percent of its national income to rebuild Europe after World War II. Today, the percentage of U.S. income going to poor countries remains at 0.14 percent, Britain's is at 0.34 percent and France 0.41 percent.
3. The removal of trade barriers, improved market access and foreign direct investments for the developing world need to be promoted. The developed world imposes heavy tariffs on agricultural products from the developing world, resulting in the latter lack to competition.
4. Foreign debt of ALL developing countries, not just the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC), needs to be cancelled. Countries, such as Namibia, who are not necessarily HIPC, have inherited highly skew structural inequalities that classify it as a middle-income country.

ODA alone is not going to take us out of the silent tsunami. Africans themselves, i.e. Governments, the private sector and individuals need to become more pro-active and work together if we want to achieve the targets of MDGs. We need to invest more in our human capital, infrastructure, improving food security and ensuring good governance.

Friday, March 30, 2007

Universal authority of scientific experts

Various scholars (see Harrison and Burgess; Hoveden and Lindseth[1]) hint at a claim made by some scientific experts of a ‘universal scientific truth’. If nature and environmental studies/ problems are culturally influenced and socially constructed, can there be a “universal authority of scientific experts” on the environment? Internationally agreed environmental treaties and establishment of bureaucratic organizations suggest a global drive for the universal authority of scientific experts. Opposing views are dismissed, which generate conflict between scientists that advocate the dominant discourse and the often non-attached institutionally independent scientist (example climate change discourse). But, do the conflicting scientific voices subtract from the notion of science as fact? Do the conflicting scientific voices enhance or reduce environmental risks and problems at hand? Jean-Francois Lyotard (1979)[2] foretold that the new battle of the world would be the fight for the control of information as ‘knowledge in the form of an information commodity’ is linked to productive power. The question becomes if modern environmentalists are selling their knowledge to advance nature’s cause or enhance economic power?

The new ‘environmentalist’- raising more questions than answers

Judith McKenzie’s “Environmental Politics in Canada”[1] not only presented an account of the key political, economic and social participants that generate environmental discourses in Canada, but perhaps more essentially, it highlighted the various factions within the environmental movement and hinted at a shift from environmental activism as a passion to a career. But it is Timothy Luke’s[2] critique of the construction of environmental studies and subsequent training of graduates by American university programmes that establishes the institutionalization of environmentalism as a career. Accordingly, the number of trained environmental professionals has increased over the years. Their aim is to ‘save the planet’:

“…scientific personnel with positivistic technical knowledges allegedly now can identify ecological problems objectively as well as design efficient solutions for the most pressing ones” pp. 106

However, has the increase of environmental professionals had a direct relation with the decrease environmental problems? Are we any closer to pinpointing known factors of environmental degradation and tangible solutions? Are modern conservation techniques superior to traditional methods? Although no definite answers can be provided, it appears that the dominant ideological course of American graduate programmes in environmental studies has transcended national borders. Modern conservation principles, which Luke identifies as the “three ‘Rs” of Eco-Managerialism”, have been adopted worldwide, in particular, the management of nature as a recreational resource. For example, many developing countries in Africa are combining their environmental and tourism sectors[3]. The UN[4] and ENGOs[5] especially advocate eco-tourism, which is currently considered the fastest growing sector in developing countries.[6] According to Luke’s critique of tertiary uses of nature as a recreational resource, “Recreational managerialism [is thought of as a field to] ‘develop expertise in managing public lands and waters and in providing quality outdoors recreation experiences to their visitors’” (pp. 144).

Harrison and Burgess’[7] analysis on the public debate to create a commercial center in a wetland area also highlights the idea of saving wilderness and consequently species’ habitat. The idea of saving species from extinction is one of scientist’s managerial roles. According to Resource Conservation Biology discourse, species conservation is important for future generations. Thus, key species (normally the big and hairy) are accommodated in zoo’s and game parks, often outside their natural environment (not without its own problems), for their ‘own protection’. Another notion is that ecosystems are a complex spider web; thus the extinction of one genus alters predator-prey models, which can lead to more extinctions and destructions, and consequently essential losses of goods and services. This discourse also gave rise to species conservation regardless of their own impact on the environment (e.g., elephants). But, who really benefits from wilderness areas and species conservation? Are public land and wilderness areas managed for all of mankind or only for those that can afford it?